|  The negotiations of the bi-regional agreement between Mercosur and the 
        European Union have been prolonged, partly due to their successive interruptions. 
        The international context in which they are inserted has changed significantly 
        since the beginning of the path that led to the announcement of the signing 
        of the political agreement on June 28 of this year. As integration processes, neither Mercosur nor the EU have the same degree 
        of external credibility that they had when the negotiations began. In 
        the European case, the so-called Brexit and the perception of a growing 
        euro-skepticism, among others, do not contribute to the image of integration 
        and respect for the commitments agreed. In the case of Mercosur, questions 
        on the real scope of the integration process and its sustainability have 
        been raised lately.  What is certain is that there is a new road ahead. Traversing it could 
        take between two and three years. Only after the necessary parliamentary 
        ratifications take place would the Mercosur-EU bi-regional agreement be 
        concluded and its effects penetrate the realities of both regions.  After the conclusion of the bi-regional agreement, we would be entering 
        the "day after" the negotiations. From that moment on we will 
        be able to assess the quality of the preparation that Mercosur countries 
        (and especially their companies) have developed based on their decision 
        to actually negotiate the agreement. As we pointed out in the June 
        2010 edition of this newsletter (see http://www.felixpena.com.ar/), 
        negotiating with other countries and at the same time preparing to take 
        full advantage of the opportunities that result from the agreements are 
        inseparable elements of an effective external commercial strategy. One 
        conditions the other, since the results of an international trade negotiation 
        cannot overlook the state of preparedness that a country and its productive 
        sectors can realistically achieve. This is even more complex when a negotiation 
        involves countries with varying degrees of development.
 Preparing for the "day after" the entry into force of the bi-regional 
        agreement would seem to be a priority for our country and its Mercosur 
        partners today. This requires the design of an external commercial integration 
        strategy that takes into account the conclusion of the bi-regional agreement, 
        as well as the need for companies to develop capabilities in order to 
        take full advantage of the opportunities that are supposed to result from 
        the agreement. A pessimistic outlook on the possibilities that would result from the 
        bi-regional agreement, translated into a passive attitude, especially 
        from the business sectors and reflected in a lack of preparation to successfully 
        navigate the "day after", could later on mean losing business 
        opportunities that usually require a long time to develop fully. Without overlooking others, three fronts of action become relevant for 
        Argentina and its partners to design an external commercial integration 
        strategy in the new world scenario, which implies preparing for the "day 
        after" the entry into force of the bi-regional agreement. These fronts 
        are: that of the different modalities and intensities of productive linkages 
        at transnational scale; that of the quality of the connectivity between 
        the different national geographies, and that of the creation of ground 
        rules that affect global or regional economic competition. These are relevant 
        fronts of action, even if the agreement is not realized as it was conceived, 
        at least with respect to the countries participating in the current Mercosur. At the same time, at least three issues stand out due to their relevance 
        in the preparatory stage of the actual entry into force of the bi-regional 
        agreement. These are issues that, from an Argentine perspective, will 
        require special and priority attention. A first relevant issue will be the adaptation of the policies and the 
        organization of the public sector, and in particular its forms of interaction 
        with the business sector and the labor unions, in order to gradually place 
        the country in a position to navigate the new competitive environment 
        that is being created by the bi-regional agreement and its many possible 
        ramifications.  One of these ramifications would be the interrelations that would result 
        between the preferences that are negotiated and those that originate from 
        other trade agreements, such as those that the EU has concluded or might 
        conclude with other Latin American countries, for example, those of the 
        Pacific Alliance, with which Mercosur has already or will eventually negotiate 
        preferences (see the July 
        edition of this newsletter on http://www.felixpena.com.ar/). 
        Such interrelation would enable the development of strategies of different 
        types of productive linkages of transnational scope. In order to do so, it will be necessary to define an intelligent distribution 
        of responsibilities among the different ministries and, at the same time, 
        select the public policies that will require more attention based on the 
        commitments that the development of the agreement generates and also the 
        competitiveness challenges that operating successfully in the European 
        markets will entail.  When defining these competences, it will be advisable to keep in mind 
        that the bi-regional agreement is to be regarded as part of a wider network 
        of preferential trade agreements that encompasses countries from very 
        different regions in the world. The uncertain perspectives of the WTO 
        and its current ground rules make it essential to undertake international 
        negotiations aimed at developing such a network of preferential trade 
        agreements.  A second relevant and complementary issue will be to develop policies 
        and actions aimed at achieving a significant increase in the number of 
        SMEs that are able to project their current and potential capacity to 
        produce goods and provide services to the European market in a competitive 
        and sustainable manner. The final aim would be, of course, to achieve 
        a sustained presence in the EU markets, at least three years of continued 
        presence in the aisles or of participation in productive chains. This will imply, both for the national government and for the provincial 
        governments -especially those interested in taking advantage of the bi-regional 
        space in relation to the local capacity to produce goods and provide services- 
        strengthening the institutions involved in the promotion of trade and 
        investment, as well as the coordination between them. It will also involve promoting public policies aimed at stimulating the 
        operational link between academic and research and development institutions 
        -both public and private- and the operators of the productive sectors, 
        in order to develop a broad network of competitive intelligence and links 
        between the technological and productive capacity available in Argentina. 
        Among other functions, this network would contribute to have updated knowledge 
        on the preferences of the different European consumers, and on the factors 
        that influence any changes in their priorities. Finally, the third issue will be to strengthen Mercosur's ability to 
        operate as an institutional framework that is functional to the competitive 
        insertion of its member countries in the economic context that will develop 
        as a result of the bi-regional agreement.  Beyond the debate, sometimes a little theoretical, about whether Mercosur 
        is or should be a free trade zone or a customs union, it would be necessary 
        to emphasize an intense effort to transform it into a mechanism of joint 
        work between its member countries, that it is effective, that works based 
        on rules that are complied with, and that contributes to achieve clear 
        competitive gains for its member countries.  The quality of its Secretariat, including that of its website, conceived 
        as a key instrument of a joint effort of competitive intelligence on international 
        markets, would then be an effective contribution to the international 
        insertion of its member countries, including the necessary capacity to 
        face international trade negotiations that are effectively concluded and 
        produce results. The three relevant issues mentioned in the preceding paragraphs, involve 
        developing the capacity of the Mercosur countries to act as a group with 
        a reasonable degree of organization. Something like being perceived as 
        a "team." which is a concept more often related to sports.  An effect of this vision is to conceive trade agreements, in which a 
        country or a set of countries participate in, as generators of links between 
        the different national systems -both economic and political- that are 
        difficult to untie due to the positive effects they bring and the high 
        regard of the respective societies.  Perhaps, this was the idea that drove Jean Monnet, one of the founders 
        of the process which led to the creation of the current European Union, 
        in his approach to generating de facto solidarities based on common visions, 
        rules and institutions. Seventy years later it still demonstrates its 
        efficacy, especially in what has been experienced in the case of the Brexit, 
        which has proven how difficult it is for a country to disassociate from 
        the economic and social networks that are generated by a deep integration 
        process such as that of the EU. |